2004 Edition My Heritage

AN AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPEROR IN MÉXICO
THE STORY OF A DREAM
By Dr. Sergio Antonio Corona Páez

Jean-Adolphe Beaucé. Equestrial portrait of Emperor Maximilian in 1865.

How to explain the presence of an austrian-borne emperor in the Mexico of the late XIX century? Even further: how to explain his demise?
It is very difficult to understand the logic that provides an answer to both the previous questions without the proper information to situate us in the mexican national and international political context by the XIX century. Furthermore, the conclusive cultural factors, such as the profound catholic religiousness of the mexican people and the enormous influence of the clergy in all national affairs, are to be taken in notice.
The fact alone that Mexico was part of the Spanish Empire for three hundred years (1521-1821) implies the steady configuration of a certain political mindset in its inhabitants. For the people of Nueva España the only conceivable government organization was the catholic monarchy. Plan de Iguala (Plan of Iguala) and Tratado de Córdoba (Treaty of Córdoba) were the names of the universally acclaimed projects for national independence conceived by the political vision of creole military man don Agustín de Iturbide y Arámburu, liberator of Mexico. Both documents clearly established constitutional monarchy as the proper and desirable government for the nation, and Fernando the Seventh, King of Spain, as the rightful owner of the throne, followed by one of the infantes or even by a member of another regning dinasty. After Fernando the seventh´s refusal, Iturbide –due to his enormous prestige among the people- was entitlied Emperor of Mexico.
As of that moment the country became stage for the battle between two factions of antagonistic leaders, between two mutually excluding projects for the recently liberated viceroyalty´s future. First there were those who had consumated the independence and respected the popular demand, reason for which they hoped for the economical and political structure of the newborn nation to remain accord to its own past (clergy-state relationship included); they instinctively mistrusted the United States and looked back to the ancient and paradigmatic Europe in search for support. These were the conservadores (conservative). Then there were those who held in the U.S. an ally and a political role-model. Thay were willing to change from the heights of power the catholic, monarchic ideology of the people, for the sake of abolishing the old structures. These were the liberales (liberal). The common people deeply mistrusted the liberales because of their anticlerical, “yankeeloving” profile.
The struggle between liberals and conservatives started practically with the consumation of independence. From 1821 up until 1867 the liberales, supported by the U.S., fought for the attainment and preservation of power, diminishing the conservative governments´s stability as a strategy. Their first victory was the congress´s lack of governability and the eventual abdication of Agustín I on march 19, 1823, thus putting an end to the First Mexican Empire. That same year on december 2, president James Monroe, during his seventh anual adress to to the United States Congress, established unilaterally what can be considered as a protectorate over the former latin-american colonies and a repudiation to monarchic systems within the area:
With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States (…) It is impossible that the (european) allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord.

The Federal Constitution was promulgated in Mexico the following year, on october 4. This document closely followed its U.S. counterpart, and adpoted the republican regime. Mexico wouldn´t attempt the establishment of a monarchic regime until the proper circumstances emerged. This happened in 1861 with the U.S. Civil War, which encouraged Napoleon the Third for a french military intervention on Mexico. The french troops disembarked on Veracruz on december 1861 and eventually managed to defeat the liberal mexican government and occupy the capital on june 1863. Many perceived the french forces as a liberation army, specially the conservative and monarchic factions, which had grown tired of the republican experiments. On june 16, 1863, the expeditionary force decreed a convocation for the mexican people to constitute a Government Board which, once in function, transformed into an Asamblea de Notables (Assembly of the Distinguished), also formed by mexicans, which on july 15, 1863, decided to adopt moderate monarchy as the proper government institution for the country. A popular consultation was executed, with results of ninety percent of the population leaning towards the Empire as the desirable government. Maximilian von Habsburg, younger brother to H.I.M. Franz Joseph, Emperor of Austria-Hungary, was the chosen one.

The Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph von Habsburg-Lothringen
Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph was born on july 6, 1832, in Schönbrunn palace, Vienna, son of Archdukes Franz Karl and Sophie, brother to Emperor Franz Joseph. Both brothers had access to the most advanced ideas of their time, thanks to their mentor, count Heinrich von Bombelles . It is very likely that Maximilian´s liberal leanings –which would seal his fate- energed during the early ages of his life. He requested enrolation to the navy, apparently due to a sentimental fall, and was accepted, reason for which he had the opportunity to know Greece, Holy Ground, Egypt, Italy and France. On 1854, at the age of 22, he was already rear-admiral and chief commander of the Imperial Fleet. On 1856, the Emperor his brother sent him to Paris in order to personally acquaint Napoleon III´s international politics plans. Maximilian decided to include Belgium to his journey. On Brussels he met princess Charlotte Amelie of Saxe-Coburg, daughter to the King Leopold the First of Belgium. The princess had deep effect on the Archduke´s heart, and the couple got married on july 27, 1857. Prior to the wedding. Maximilian paid visit to Queen Victoria by her own request. That same year he was entitled governor of the austrian provinces of Lombardy and the Veneto. Due to the displeasure caused in Wien by his liberal-style government, he wasn´t required for the war of the Piamonte. Not ignorant of the political strike of this situation, the Archduke retired to private life in 1859 and took off in a journey to Brazil while Charlotte visited Madeira. After their return, they settled in the Trieste palace; there, on april 9, 1864, a comission sent by the new promonarchic mexican government offered Maximilian the crown. The archduke accepted the day after before the members of the comission, giving that afternoon a feast for all the mexicans who had presenced the acceptation ceremony.
The Emperors of Mexico, Maximilian and Charlotte, disembarked on Veracruz on may 28, 1864 and, although their reception was somewhat cold on the shore, it was delirious on further-in-land communities, such as Córdoba, Orizaba, Puebla, and above all, México. The mexican people expected Maximilian to establish order throughout the country.
So far it is perceivable how, ever since the consumation of independence on 1821, most of the mexican people´s political yearning was a strong monarchy, in favor of the national catholicism. It is relevant to mention that Iturbide accomplished the independence, not becuase the people shared an ideal of political liberty, but as a reaction against what the country percceived to be a “revolutionary, french-cut, jacobine” dead threat to mexican catholicism.
On 1820, along with colonel Rafael del Riego’s revolt, a liberal regime was established in Spain which showed signs of being a real threat for the existence of the religious institution both in Spain and Nueva España. Iturbide´s success was possible as a result of his proposal for a plan which guaranteed the free exercise of catholicism as the only religion in the colony, only possible by political independence from Spain. Political independence would be the warranty for preservation of catholicism. The third subject guarantees the legal and social equalness of all the inhabitants, despite color or race. With the formulation of the Three Warranties, Iturbide obtained the general assent that rendered him liberator and, eventually, the first Emperor of Mexico.

The difference between the coats of arms of Iturbide´s Regency (left) and Maximilian´s Empire (right) show a clear breaking of the second with Iturbide´s conservative ideology as expressed by the motto “Religion, union, independence”. This one was supresssed in the arms of the Second Empire because of it´s religious implications.

No doubt most of the mexicans expected Maximilian to act as a second Iturbide, a second Emperor who would be able to carry on with the intentions of the first one. They hoped for the consolidation of the dinasty to perpetuate the defense of the catholic interests and the prohibition of any other form of religious cult, as opposed to the liberals´s threatening religious tolerance. The extremely powerful catholic church expected the Emperor to grant them back the properties confiscated to them by the liberal regime.
However, the Emperor Maximilian had a genuine interest in being a righteous monarch for his new country, and that could only lead to a government from the liberal modernity. He was not aware of the fragile situation of his throne: the stalking menace of the U.S.and the Monroe Doctrine; the liberal faction retreated to the north, close enough to the U.S., and the lingering possibility of a french withdrawal, leaving him and his crown unprotected. In fact, the public opinion had reverted, and the french troops – which had not been kind to the mexican people- were soon repudiates by both liberales and conservadores. They weren´t welcome anymore.
The Crown´s natural allies had always been the greatest conservative militar commanders and, of course, the catholic church; however, the Emperor comitted a terrible political mistake by sending the most prestigious monarchic militar commanders to foreign lands, surrounding himself by liberals and foreigners in his cabinet, and another one when he conditioned the negotiation of a concordat with the Vatican to the acceptance of several liberal-cut requests: cult freedom; abolishment of the clergy´s income, and of the clerical exemption –the confiscated goods would pass to the government-; no new enrolation on the feminine religious orders as long as the Pope did not define which ones would be reestablished. Needless to say, no agreement was reached with the pope´s ambassador, Pedro Francisco Meglia. Aware of this, Maximilian unilaterally decreed execution on some of the requests. The effect on clergy, army and people was devastating: Maximilian wouldn´t be the catholic paladin Iturbide had been. For the mexican people, Maximilian was unveiled as a liberal Emperor who seeked the liberals´s good graces at the expense of the church´s interests. The mexicans realized they had made a mistake.
The ultimate consequences of the mexican dream´s failure proved to be just a matter of time. The U.S. Civil War came to an end in april 1865. That same year, on august 1st, Secretary of the Department of State gave instruction to his ambassador in Paris to pass along an ultimatum to the french Emperor: The U.S. was behind the mexican republicans and would not sit calmly through the french intervention in Mexico. Of course, this was the revalidation of the Monroe Doctrine. In consequence, Napoleon III anouled the Treaties of Miramar on may 31, 1866. The french were to retreat. Napoleon feared the collusion of the U.S. and Prusian attacks.
The rest is well known: the french withdrawed from Mexico, the republicans reoccupied the los cities, with no resistance from the conservatives or the monarchic faction. Finally, the republican forces fenced the Emperor in Querétaro, on 1867. The Empress had lost her mind and wandered around the european courts seeking support for “Max”, to no avail. The Emperor was captured and eventually shot by musketry on june 19, 1867. The Republic was restored, the conservative party was dismantled, and the mexican people did not again think of monarchy as a viable way of government.
As said from the beginning, the story of the Second Mexican Empire lead by Maximilian von Habsburg had its very own logic, hardly understandable for those not familiar with Mexico´s national and international political history, or its inhabitants´ ideology.

Maximilian von Habsburg, Grand Master of the Order of Guadalupe

Order of Guadalupe Great Cross Plaque

To wear the emblems of the Distinguida y Nacional Orden de Guadalupe was patent proof of prestigious achievement. This honorary institution was formed by don Agustín de Iturbide in october, 1821, right after his triumphal entrance to Mexico City. Its statutes were approved by the newborn Congress. The three colors of the Plan de Iguala were incorporated among its emblems. It was the highest insignia of the time, and many of the heroes of independence were honored with it. Members of the order were rank in three grades: Grandes Cruces (Great Crosses), Caballeros (Knights) and Comendadores (Comendators). The badges of the order included collar, cross, badge and ribbon. From the collar, designed of alternating mexican eagles and laurel wreaths, hung the cross with the image of Guadalupe, and the following legend: Religión, Independencia, Unión, wrapped by a laurel wreath and the crowned eagle on top. On the back, the following carving could be read: Al patriotismo heróico. (To the heroic patriotism). The badge was the same, except for the eagle. The ribbon displayed the three national colors, on the chest. With the fall of Iturbide, the Order was suppressed for the first time. It was restored by president Antonio López de Santa-Anna on november 11, 1853. The Order was again supressed with Santa-Anna´s demise, and reinstalled by the Regencia del Imperio (Regency of the Second Empire) on july 1st 1863 and confirmed by H.I.M. Maximilian in 1864. The grades and badges remained the same.
As Grand Mater of the Order of Guadalupe, Maximilian von Habsburg took wide use of his faculties, granting the insignia to crowned heads troughout Europe: his father in law, Leopold I, his brother Francisco José, Emperor of Austria-Hungary, and many others. In Mexico, he honored generals and officers of the conservative and french armies: Forey, Saligny, captain Auguste Ballue, general Pierre Barbut, general Jean Guillet, Hubert de la Hayrie, colonel Jules Martin, prince Georges Bibesco, viscount Charles le Courtois and chief of batallion Leónce Levylier, among many others . With the fall of the Second Empire, The Orden de Guadalupe was supressed definitely.

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The author is a catholic, mexican, Doctor in History by Universidad Iberoamericana México, researcher, book author and Director of the Archivo Histórico in the Universidad Iberoamericana Torreón (México).
Source: Testimonios artísticos de un episodio fugaz (1864-1867). Museo Nacional de Arte. INBA. México. 1995.
The dedication of the mexican people to catholicism is so strong that it has amazed H.H. John Paul II himself on each and every one of his trips to Mexico. He has several times regarded such adhesion with the phrase “Mexico, forever loyal”.
Nueva España was the official name of what is now known as Mexico, along with California, Colorado, Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas, all part of the Mexican territory at the time. The nationality adjective for the inhabitants of the territory was novohispano, and although it was primarily used for spaniards and creoles, it did not exclude mongrels, indians or castas. The various ethnic divisions of indians, original inhabitants of the country, had centuries-old monarchic ideologies.
Many testimonies of the time, specially the printes documents, are indicators of Nueva España´s universal emotional attachment to such projects, plans and treaties. Iturbide was perceived in an almost messianic concept. This explains the fact that he achieved Mexico´s independence practically with no bloodspill. The Mexican National Anthem´s lyrics recognize and exalt his deeds. Vid Anna, Timothy E. The mexican empire of Iturbide. University of Nebraska. Nebraska. 1990; Ladd, M. Doris. La nobelza mexicana en la epoca de la independencia, 1780-1826. Fondo de Cultura Económica, México, 1984. Arrangoiz, Francisco de Paula. México desde 1808 hasta 1867. Editorial Porrúa, S.A. México. 1974.
The Emperor had to be member of a reigning dinasty to “prevent the strike of ambition” on people of common blood. Only two dinasties had reigned over Nueva España throughout its history: the House of Austria and the House of Borbón, both spanish. Vid Artículo cuarto del “Plan de Iguala” de don Agustín de Iturbide, proclamado en dicho lugar el 24 de febrero de 1821 en Torre Villar, Ernesto de la et al. Historia documental de México. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. México. 1984. Tomo II. Third article of the “Tratados de Córdoba” celebrated in august 24, 1821 between don Juan O´Donojú (last of the New Spain´s Viceroys) and don Agustín de Iturbide, First Chief of the Imperial Mexican Army. Torre Villar, Op.cit.
Fernando the seventh hoped to reconquer Mexico, reason for which he forbidded any member of the spanish royal house to accept the offer. Just when this threat seemed to be starting to turn into reality, the U.S. emitted the Monroe Doctrine.
In time, they both constituted political parties.
It is an unquestionable fact that the U.S. saw in great concern the possibility of Nueva España turning -as the U.S. itself had done before- into a prosperous, strong nation, able to contend for both european and latin-american trade markets. On march 28, 1822, Northamerican congressman and first U.S. ambassador in Mexico Joel. R. Poinsett, declared before the Chamber of Representatives: “The baron of Humboldt says that, if a nation´s political force only depended on it´s territory and the number of inhabitants, New Spain (Colonial Mexico) could be comparable to the United States.”. Iturriaga, José E. México en el Congreso de Estados Unidos. SEP. Fondo de Cultura Económica. México. 1988. P. 53.
Anna, Timothy E. Op.cit. Cuevas, Mariano. El libertador. Documentos selectos de don Agustín de Iturbide. Editorial Patria, S.A. México. 1946.
The Monroe Doctrine. http://www.law.ou.edu/hist/monrodoc.html. The University of Oklahoma Law Center Home Page.
On october 31, 1861, the agreements of the Convention of London were signed. By this document, England, France and Spain, nations to which mexico was in debt, commited to perform a military intervention on mexican territory as a response to Mexico´s payment delay. Only the french forces stayed on mexican land to attempt something more than the payment of their debt.
Arrangoiz. Op.cit.
If we are to believe the relations of the time, the french were received by the mexican people with cheers and flowers.
Arrangoiz. Op.cit.
The decree by the Comission from the Assembly of the Distinguished issued four proposals, of which three stated as follows: 1st The Mexican Nation adopts as government the moderated hereditary monarchy by a catholic prince. 2nd The sovereign is to be entitled as Emperor of Mexico. 3rd The mexican imperial crown is offered to H.I. and R. H. the prince Ferdinand Maximilian, archduke of Austria and his heirs. A copy of the document was sent to the pope Pio IX, begging for the blessing of both project and prince. Arrangoiz, Op.cit
The prestigious historian don Carlos alvear Acevedo states on this subject: “On the basis and testimonies of emotional attachment shown to the Empire in many differnt ways don Francisco Bulnes, liberal and republican author, had no choice but to accept that 90% of the mexican people wanted the Empire”. Alvear Acevedo, Carlos. Historia de México”. 54ª edición. Editorial JUS. México. 1994. P. 339.
“Maximiliano de Habsburgo” Diccionario Porrúa. Historia, biografía y geografía de México. Sexta edición. Editorial Porrúa, S.A. México. 1995. Tomo II.
The death of princess Marie Amelie of Portugal, his first girlfriend, has been said to be the cause for this.
Arrangoiz. Op.cit
Arrangoiz. Op.cit
The independence revolt started by Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla was not acclaimed by most of the people, due to its ethnical shades: Its warcry was “mueran los gachupines” (Death to the gachupines. Gachupines is a despective term used to refer to spanish people.). The massacre of the spanish in Guanajuato solidified this perception, as shown on the Excomunication Act against Hidalgo signed by Abad y Queipo, bishop of valladolid. Lucas Alamán, as well as Arrangoiz, explain that Hidalgo´s and eventually Morelos´ struggle had very little convocatory, due to the fact that it was sustained by the low clergy, low class and low rank soldiers of the Royal Army. Arrangoiz. Op.cit
Arrangoiz; Alvear Acevedo. Op.cit
This plan, mentioned earlier, revolved around the 3 warranties that Iturbide considered to be fundamental for the mexican people, reason for which it was called Plan of the Three Warranties. Iturbide established a color for each one of this warranties: white, represeting the free exercise of catholic faith, as opposed to the threats of the liberal spanish government; green, simbolizing political independence as a sine qua non condition for the exercise of catholicism; red, simbolizing the equalty of all mexicans before law. Also, he incorporated this colors to the insignia of the Orden de Guadalupe, which he himself founded. Torre Villar, Ernesto de la et al Op.cit.
Artículo 1 del Plan de Iguala. Torre Villar, Ernesto de la et al. Op.cit.
Artículo 2 del Plan de Iguala. Ibid
Artículo 12 del Plan de Iguala. Ibid. Social equalty eliminated the concept of blood purity (hence the red color). Anyone could apply for any kind of employment, given the proper capacities.
Source: Testimonios artísticos de un episodio fugaz (1864-1867). Museo Nacional de Arte. INBA. México. 1995.
Sadly enough, the imperial couple could not bear child. They secretly adopted (september 15, 1865) two of Emperor Iturbide´s grandchildren, don Agustín and don Salvador. The first was entitled heir and succesor to the throne.
Alvear Acevedo. Op.cit.
This item belongs to Maximilan´s Empire era. Source: Testimonios artísticos de un episodio fugaz (1864-1867). Museo Nacional de Arte. INBA. México. 1995
Distinguished and National Order of Guadalupe. It was a catholic knightly decoration, which “Fons Honorum” was the Regency in the King´s name, and later the Emperor himself.
Explicit reference to the three warranties of the Plan de Iguala and to the three colors of Iturbide´s flag.
Cfr. Diccionario Porrúa. Historia, biografía y geografía de México. Sexta edición. Editorial Porrúa, S.A. México. 1995. Tomo II.
Meyer, Jean. Yo, el francés. Tusquets. México. 2002.